Title, Colombia: ciudad y violencia. Colección Ciudad y democracia. Authors, Alvaro Camacho Guizado, Alvaro Guzmán Barney. Publisher, Ed. Foro Nacional, . Title, Credo, necesidad y codicia: los alimentos de la guerra. Author, Alvaro Camacho Guizado. Published, Length, 14 pages. Export Citation, BiBTeX. ÁLVARO CAMACHO GUIZADO’s 2 research works with 23 citations and 38 reads , including: From Smugglers to Warlords: Twentieth Century Colombian Drug.
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At any rate, there are areas where both the army and the police partake in the narcotics business by collecting informal taxes.
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The eradication goal for was 50, hectares. Some government officials maintain that one hectare planted with coca will yield about 2, pounds of coca leaf the equivalent of 1.
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In the first case, cocaine exports from to fluctuated between 31 tons in and 85 tons in The main difference is that while the FARC insurgents are parasites who live off of the narcotics traffic by collecting taxes on production and initial stage of the traffic, the paramilitary squads are a parasitory creation of the drug lords, who set paramilitary purposes and goals.
Higher up in the hierarchy, the direct alvar and participation of public service agents has been remarked.
That, as a result, only the small landowners and tenants should have access to alternative development initiatives whereas, as the government sees it, commercial plantations should receive no compensation whatsoever. In fact, they find that, had they not been implemented, things would be much worse. The drug camachho also kindled and financed paramilitary groups which have opened the way to the process of territorial appropriation and expansion whereby small landowners are evicted and agricultural lands are converted into extensive cattle-raising pastures.
Meanwhile, consumption of illicit substances rose from 5. They, much like all the other social instances concerned, are hoping for effective governmental action: These people contract hired laborers, thus inciting the destructive expansion of Colombia’s agricultural frontier.
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They come camacbo different styles. They moved into the market and established business relations with legal merchants. These policies include a broad range of measures, mainly enacted under state of siege; and they cqmacho geared towards facing the challenge posed by illicit drug merchants.
Other sources, however, indicate that one hectare of coca in Colombia yields an average of kilograms 0,8 metric tons of dry coca leaf. In any case, the issue is that increased illicit-drug consumption due to the enormous profits to be gained from this traffic is a source of strife in the areas dedicated to the production of these substances.
They played a key role in organizing “social-cleansing” squads [28].
Colombia: ciudad y violencia – Alvaro Camacho Guizado, Alvaro Guzmán Barney – Google Books
The most momentous accomplishment of these attempts at legitimization was the ability to influence the election of a presidential candidate, whose legitimacy was of course thereupon suspect.
As far as drug abuse is concerned, the Colombian government has been slow in augmenting its efforts to come to the aid of consumers. This means eradicating marijuana, coca and poppy plants.
One of the most widespread thesis is that of a mafia-type of organization. Since then, they have become key players and protagonists in land-concentration processes whereby the capos become large landowners. Nevertheless, there are indications of close ties between some insurgent groups and narcotics traffickers, and of demobilized guerrilla members who have joined narcotics-trafficking organizations.
They do, however, continue demanding that the State make itself felt with regards to economic issues such as loans and land distribution. Particularly, on those of the poorer sectors of society, whose greatest dream now is to make it like the capos. The growing of the coca bush has inevitably led to their involvement in the narcotics traffic. To them illicit-crop growing has come as an answer.
The example set by the traffickers has led these sectors to believe that it is impossible -or incredibly ghizado to reach a decent living standard by working, however hard. They support the policies currently being implemented and maintain that they should be compounded by extradition.
Furthermore, the accumulation of wealth to drug traffickers allows them to influence the normal development of the Colombian economy [17]. In consequence, Rocha depicts two scenarios -minimal and maximal- for cocaine exports. Lastly, xlvaro and local government officials often connive with growers or traffickers hindering program implementation.
These estimates alvarro based on Colombia value added i. It served to stimulate modes of social promotion rooted in corruption, intimidation and the use of trustees or shadow owners, who would in time serve to legitimize the traffickers.
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Lastly, one of the experts puts forth a more detailed proposal. Claims by government officials disregard that eradication sorties by spray aircraft often have to be carried out at high altitudes due to the insurgent threat.
Moreover, police activities tend to hamper the Plante’s work since it is quite difficult for the peasant farmers to reconcile the divergencies between an aid program, and one that somehow goes against community-based needs. In any case, one hectare planted with opium poppy is considered a large unit, larger than that of the average peasant.